More: peter d'errico
For the fifth time, the U.S. Supreme Court has affirmed Yakama Nation rights under the 1855 treaty with the United States.
American Apartheid by Stephanie Woodard demonstrates that Native Nations and Peoples are alive and active today.
Will the nation's highest court accept and approve of genocidal efforts against Native nations?
Federal Indian law traces back to a religious doctrine that treats indigenous peoples as inferior, as 'heathens' and 'infidels.'
With her new book, Leanne Betasamosake Simpson articulates ideas of indigenous nationhood, rather than declaring them, Peter d'Errico writes on Indian Country Media Network.
How can aboriginal sovereignty—from ‘time immemorial’—coexist with British sovereignty created 200 years ago? Peter d'Errico asks the question on Indian Country Media Network.
Native peoples provide creative energies to the world, despite invasion and colonization, Peter d'Errico writes on Indian Country Media Network.
The debate on immigration requires addressing the domination of the original peoples of the land, Peter d'Errico writes on Indian Country Media Network.
Writing for Indian Country Media Network, retired professor Peter d'Errico praises a new book for offering a 'revealing' perspective of the Dine people.
The defense of Native sovereignty demands more than an understanding of federal Indian law, writes Peter d'Errico in Indian Country Media Network.
‘The Northwest Ordinance’ exposes the murky dealings that lead to US jurisdiction extending beyond the 13 colonies.
Native people's relations with colonialism requires as much clear analysis as possible—to gauge when and where to collaborate, when and where to resist.
A careful analysis of the ‘self-government’ rhetoric reveals that beneath the glitter are difficult compromises and dangerous assumptions.
Indigenous lawyers need to discard ways of solving problems superimposed by western thought, and follow the model of indigenous architects.
‘Like a Loaded Weapon’ misses the critical target and exposes Indian rights when it comes to federal Indian law.
Stephen Kinzer’s ‘The True Flag’ glosses over American Imperialism preventing a happy ending.
In one of the most insightful analyses of facts and strategy on resistance to the Dakota Access Pipeline, the author applauds Yankton Sioux’s complaint that the U.S. Has violated Article VI of the Constitution.
Peter Cozzens’ book on Indian wars loaded with slight of mouth.
When it comes to the Dakota Access Pipeline remember the adage: ‘fool me once, shame on you. Fool me twice, shame on me.’
The Treaty of 1851 is the law of the land and must be honored.
'Book goes to the historical and political roots of international colonialism.'
'The U.S. government has done more to acknowledge its role in other countries’ genocides than to acknowledge Native American genocide.'
'The Shuar are protesting an invasion of their homelands by a Chinese mining company that would create the world’s second largest open pit copper mine.'
'Standing Rock people are protecting the water; they are not just protesting.'
Mashpee Nine tells the story of a modern epidemic of anti-Native racism on Cape Cod, Massachusetts, and the survival—and triumph—of Native people practicing traditional ways in their own lands.
'When anti-Indigenous politicians stir up non-Indigenous hate and anger, Indigenous leaders must respond with strong alternative views.'
'The battle at Standing Rock to defend Native lands and waters offers a great opportunity for teachers in a range of disciplines.'
'Most folks probably don't think about archaeology when they look at U.S. federal Indian law—and vice versa.'
'The starting point for any Native litigation that deserves the name 'briefcase warrior' starts with the original free and independent existence of Native Nations.'
'To 'learn' from 'tribal societies' without destroying them requires recognition of and support for Indigenous self-determination.'
'The Standing Rock lawsuit presents an opportunity to critique how Indian Nations represent themselves in legal battles.'
Every time we confuse Indian sovereignty issues with civil rights issues, we not only miss the point of the Indian struggle, we actually advance the US policy of destroying Indian Nations.
The title of the concluding chapter in Naomi Schaefer Riley's book says it all: 'Native Americans as Americans.'
The boarding schools were one element in a long—and still ongoing—effort to make Indians disappear as nations, to force them to become Americans.
Whether one celebrates this 'civilization' or not depends on whether one profits from the destruction inherent in the system.
'All the Real Indians Died Off' will hit the market in time for this year's debates about celebrating or mourning the arrival of Columbus and his boat people from their ocean-crossing journey to this continent.
We need not fear engaging with Justice Thomas or anyone else in the American government who wants to challenge the mess in federal Indian law.
Indian Country has long debated whether to participate in the ritual of voting in U.S. elections.
When the dust settles around the Washington Post poll and the social media uproar about 'redskin,' there will still be talk about—and some living—what it means to be Indigenous in the face of a corporate-state world.
Attawapiskat and other Native communities have but one way forward: to address each other and challenge the surrounding world at a depth that arises from the soul and meets history, with an aim to recover the balance between spiritual and temporal that allows humans to live free lives.
In a few weeks, we will know whether the U.N. Permanent Forum has forgotten about the Doctrine of Christian Discovery altogether.
Thomas Jefferson's ghost stalks Oak Flat.
Native government actions that undermine confidence in justice and fairness add fuel to anti-Indian forces.
Leonardo DiCaprio's speech touches a deep wound inflicted on Indigenous Peoples by the initial colonial invasions and reinflicted with every effort to extract more wealth from the Earth, squeeze more life out of people, and despoil what remains for those yet to come.
No matter who gets the seat left by Antonin Scalia, the education of the Supreme Court about the rights of Indigenous Peoples will be a strenuous journey.
Tearing down a historical monument or renaming a building will be significant only if it grows from learning about history.
So here we are today: An armed group of white men wants to 'reclaim public land for the people.'
The American 'state' deployed military and economic coercion to force Indians within the 'reservation' system, subject to over-arching 'state' sovereignty.
The oral argument ended as inauspiciously as it opened, cherry-picking Indian sovereignty and presuming the validity of Christian Discovery doctrine.
Indians need to dig, too, to provide Indigenous views of the fundamental relation between Indians and the United States.
The US Supreme Court wants to undermine or eliminate what remains of Indian sovereignty.
The controversy at Amherst College offers yet another opportunity to understand that though a name change doesn't change the past, it ends a celebration of that past.
The namesake of Amherst College was a British military commander who advocated the use of biological warfare in the form of blankets infected with smallpox.
Christianity promoted and justified slavery and land theft, in the name of making the whole world our 'own land.'
Pope Francis seems aware of the unsustainability—or at least unacceptability—of regimes based on the pattern of Christian domination.
'Encounters at the Heart of the World' is a portrayal of Mandan survivance, in the face of Christian missionaries, proto-capitalist traders, Old World plagues, colonial usurpers, new technologies, and American military force.
For the dominant power in the Canadian government, the notion that it must obtain 'free and informed consent' from anyone—let alone from Aboriginal Peoples—is heresy.
Pope Francis speaking out about the Armenian genocide is significant, but the pope has not addressed U.S. history, nor has he looked closely enough at the Christian colonial record.
King Kalākaua of Hawaii was the first foreign leader to address a Joint Session of Congress on December 18, 1874.